After Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad’s resignation, Ghulam Mohammad Sadiq became the Prime Minister of Jammu and Kashmir.

Sadiq appeared to be a generous and secular leader, but the reality was quite the opposite. He was a staunch Muslim, and his religious devotion extended beyond personal beliefs and practices; it was boldly reflected in his administration.

Deep within, he prioritized his Muslim identity over being a Kashmiri, Bharatiya (Indian), or an administrator. While not openly enforcing it, he devised and enacted policies that pushed people towards adopting Islam through fear and intimidation.

One notable policy was the implementation of caste-based reservations, reserving a significant 70% of posts for Muslim youth.

In October 1966, editorials in “Pratap,” published in New Delhi, and “Navjivan,” in Srinagar, shed light on a distressing situation in Jammu and Kashmir. Hindus and Sikhs found themselves incapacitated to convert due to prevailing circumstances. Reports emerged of forced conversions, such as a Brahmin girl marrying a Muslim and multiple individuals embracing Islam under duress. The government’s role in creating an environment conducive to conversion drew strong criticism. The editorial highlighted the bias in educational policies favoring Muslims over Hindus, driving the latter towards conversion.

The “Janmat Sangrah Morcha,” an anti-Bharat movement, enjoyed Sadiq’s support and blessings. During one of its sessions, the Morcha passed a resolution protesting the annexure of Jammu and Kashmir.

The government provided extensive support and favors to representatives of the Morcha, even selling a government-owned car at a remarkably low price to facilitate Shaikh Abdullah’s travel and promote the Morcha’s cause.

The Morcha’s leaders engaged in communal rhetoric, leading to an attack on Hindu homes by Muslim youth in Chikral, Srinagar. Homes were looted, and women were subjected to humiliation. Shockingly, Sadiq’s government took no action against the perpetrators, allowing the rioters to escape consequences.

Amid his rule, a minor Hindu girl named Parmeshwari was forcibly kidnapped, converted to Islam, named Parveen Akhtar, and married off. Sadiq’s government remained conspicuously silent regarding these atrocities.

A synchronized agenda among anti-Bharat elements, Janmat Sangrah Morcha leaders, and Sadiq’s government aimed to torment Hindus and coerce their exodus from Kashmir.

An important change during this period was the renaming of the post of “Sadar-e-Riyasat” to Governor and “Prime Minister” to “Chief Minister.”

Sadiq Sahab’s decision to merge the National Conference into the Congress served dual purposes – undermining his opponent Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad while securing full support from the Delhi Government.

In 1961, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad held the position of Prime Minister of Jammu and Kashmir. On April 26 of that year, a self-stated strike swept Jammu and its neighboring provinces as devastating news spread.

Former Maharaja Hari Singh had passed away in distant Mumbai, where he lived in exile. Yuvraj and Sadar-e-Riyasat KarnSinh were touring Europe and Rome, while Maharani was in Alhilal, Kangra. References suggest Maharaja and Maharani were separated in 1950, leaving the Maharaja to live alone in Mumbai.

Facing a palace devoid of family, a massive crowd gathered at Pandit Premnath Dogra’s residence, urging the Maharaja’s body to be brought to Jammu for a proper funeral. Sadly, the Maharaja’s last will forbade his posthumous return to his beloved Motherland. His final wish was for his ashes to be scattered across Jammu.

The Maharaja’s cremation took place on the same day in Mumbai, conducted by his personal staff.

The streets leading to the palace overflowed with mourners, as Jammu witnessed an unprecedented outpouring of heartfelt homage. Men walked in solemn silence, while women mourned openly.

Although previous Maharajas had passed away, this time the circumstances were markedly different.

Once, Maharaja Hari Singh had arrested Pandit Nehru for unauthorized entry into the state before Nehru’s appointment as Prime Minister. The ensuing animosity remained, with Shaikh Abdullah regarding the Maharaja as a formidable rival in his quest to control the state.

Maharaja’s removal from the monarch’s position wasn’t just about diminishing his power but also belittling and humiliating him. First on health grounds and later on charges of treason, the Maharaja was wounded, leading him to leave the state, never to return.

Adding insult to injury, government offices remained open, and flags were not lowered to half-mast upon his passing. His death was announced over All India Radio, devoid of any detailed history or narrative about his journey. The flag fluttered high, a painful reminder to the people, who were unable to protest. When a group of college students attempted to lower the state flag at the New Secretariat building, they were met with police gunfire and subsequent arrests, with no trial for months.

In the pre-independence era, noble kings enjoyed significant popularity among their subjects. While certain practices might seem incongruent with today’s democratic norms, the reverence towards many Bharatiya rulers and princes was palpable.

For instance, during the first general election held post-independence, the Maharaja of Jodhpur, who tragically perished in an accident just before polling, defeated his Congress rival by a landslide in multiple constituencies.

The Indian National Congress, despite labeling these rulers as unpopular parasites, opportunistically capitalized on their popularity, granting them candidature.

Similarly, Maharaja Hari Singh commanded immense respect from both Hindus and Muslims.

Shaikh Abdullah, indirectly backed by Pandit Nehru, hastily orchestrated Maharaja’s abdication. M.L. Chattopadhyay, a member of the Bharatiya Constituent Assembly, visited the state in 1949 and presented a report to Congress. The report depicted Shaikh Abdullah’s fervent pursuit of Maharaja’s ousting, holding him responsible for Muslim massacres in the state. Shaikh Abdullah demanded an inquiry and, if necessary, a trial, emphasizing that Maharaja’s presence hindered Muslim support for India.

As recounted by M.L. Chattopadhyay, Shaikh Abdullah vigorously campaigned, along with the National Conference, to oust Maharaja. Notably, a Mohalla meeting of the National Conference in Jammu City rejected the abdication resolution by a significant margin, with 18 votes against and only 3 in favor.

Post-independence, rulers of significant princely states were appointed as Rajpramukh (akin to a Governor) of their respective states in democratic India. Even the Nizam of Hyderabad, who waged war against the nation, was granted this honorable position.

Yet, the beloved Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir was denied the same honor. Instead, allegations forced him to relinquish his kingdom and depart.

Maharaja Harisinh, a revered ruler of Jammu and Kashmir, enjoyed tremendous popularity among its people. During Pandit Nehru’s first visit to Jammu, the public demanded Maharaja’s return to the state. However, Pandit Nehru struggled to hide his personal resentment towards the Maharaja. He boldly stated that the Maharaja, who had dared to arrest him before he became India’s first Prime Minister, would never, under any circumstances, return to the state.

Hearing such derogatory words about their esteemed leader, the people walked out of the meeting in protest.

Legend has it that Maharaja once suggested to Pandit Nehru that they should travel to Srinagar and ask the first Kashmiri they met whether they wanted the Maharaja to stay or leave.

Recognizing the Maharaja’s immense popularity in the state, Pandit Nehru resorted to covert tactics rather than confronting him directly.

History, often shaped by colonial powers and later by Congress’s leftist allies, has perpetually treated Maharaja Hari Singh unjustly, painting a fragmented picture of his legacy.

Throughout time, Maharaja’s unwavering loyalty to Bharat has shone brightly.

Acknowledging his loyalty in its true light would be the most fitting tribute to his memory.

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