During the period that Dr. Mukharjee was imprisoned, lot of differences in opinion had begun coming to surface within the National Conference. Several leaders of the National Conference were not in agreement with Shaikh Abdullah’s extremism propagating policies and conduct. The kind of defamatory remarks issued for Bharat and the unnecessary deprecatory conduct towards Jammu, by Shaikh was not in tune with many of the leaders of National Conference. They too, wished that the agitation of Praja Parishad ends on an amicable note and some middle path solution would be achieved.

This was precisely the reason for shifting Pandit Premnath Dogra to where Dr. Mukharjee was jailed.

Many of the members of the Jammu Kashmir Legislative Assembly were feeling ill at ease, due to the anti-Bharat attitude of Shaikh and these differences of opinion became more acute after Dr. Mukharjee ‘s mysterious demise.

Pandit Nehru received the distressing news of Dr. Mukharjee ‘s death while he was in Britain. He sent the message to Shaikh to come to meet him in Delhi, on his return. On reaching Delhi, the message was resent.

But, Shaikh did not come. He did send a message that he would come after a while!!!

Pandit Nehru repeatedly sent letters and phone calls but Shaikh did not respond.

Finally, Pandit Nehru gave an ultimatum and asked him to come on the 3rd of July, but Shaikh did not comply. Actually, Shaikh Abdullah had met Adlai Stevenson, the democratic party nominee for US presidentship, in Srinagar in secret meetings.

Post their meetings, Shaikh’s approach turned more and more arrogant and communal. He began indulging in daydreaming about independent Kashmir.

On the day of Eid-Ul-Fitr, on the 14th June 1953, Shaikh addressed the people after Namaz. He presented three options regarding Jammu-Kashmir. The first one being accession in Bharat, Second was accession in Pakistan and the third was independent Kashmir, maintaining good relationships with Both Bharat and Pakistan.

It seemed he had received some consolation on the third option from Stevenson.

Shaikh Abdullah had already initiated a debate in the working group of the National Conference regarding the relationship with Bharat. One of the group within the party, led by Mirza Afzal Baig, was insisting on keeping this relations restricted to the three subjects prescribed in the document where as the second group led by Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, that included Girdharilal Dogra and D P Dhar, were of the opinion of strengthening the relationship and including the Financial policy and management as well as Judiciary.

Until now, Shaikh Abdullah was confident that his entire party- National Conference, was in his support and thus, he could be autocratic in taking any policy decision. In his wildest dream, he had not imagined that he would be challenged from within his party.

As soon as the internal meeting of the National Conference began following the unrest, it turned into a ruckus. The brawling meeting went on for three weeks and both the groups were fuming in anger. Eventually, the differences led to voting for one viewpoint to prevail.

When the result was announced, there were only 4 votes in favour of Shaikh Abdullah and his supporters and 15 votes were in favour of Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad ‘s group.

The atmosphere was filled with a state of ambivalence and the scepticism in the air was mounting high. Sadar-e-Riyasat Karn Sinh ji sent his report to Pandit Nehru, who was touring Europe.

He wrote – “The political situation in the Valley, is precarious. There are differences of opinion within the National Conference and that has ascended the tensions. The pro-Bharat group has strongly proposed their side and they have challenged they are immensely powerful.”

Similarly, in those days, the American Foreign Minister John Foster Dallas toured Bharat and Pakistan. 

Post his visit, a special report was published in the New York Times on 5th of July. It narrated that one hypothesis about solution for the dispute of Jammu-Kashmir, could be regarded to accepting Kashmir valley as the independent and bestow upon it with a special status and Bharat and Pakistan, both would give guarantee for it.

The second hypothesis could be, the princely state to be divided into both, Bharat and Pakistan and each nation would have the area they had at the time of  ceasefire.

The rumour also states that Foreign Minister Dallas has also accepted this solution.” This was the beginning of a new game initiated by Shaikh Abdullah.

But, now the state’s citizen’s had experienced numerous conspiracies and were not prepared to accept any such solutions with shut eyes. Hence, the conditions were turning hostile for Shaikh. 

On the 24th of July, the Delhi edition of  Hindustan Times published the address of Shaikh Abdullah.

“The communal incidents of the previous year have shattered the base of “Bharat-Kashmir” relationship.” Three days after this statement, the state’s deputy prime minister – Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad replied to this allegation.

He commented – “Kashmir would bet on its life to secure the accession in Bharat.” To which Shaikh stated – “The accession in Bharat was enforced upon the princely state, as without the accession, Bharat denied for sending help to the state.”

Shaikh Abdullah demanded resignation from Shamlal Saraf, his colleague in the National Conference Government. The very next day, three ministers – Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, Girdharilal Dogra and Shamlal Saraf presented a five page memorandum to Shaikh Abdullah and also sent a copy to the Sadar-e-Riyasat.

It stated – ”After calling for the Legislative Assembly meeting, the outline of the indispensable aspects of relations with Bharat had been sketched out. You had been given the responsibility of creating the format, as our representative. Your viewpoint had been endorsed by the Government (Jammu-Kashmir State Government), National Conference, Bharatiya Parliament and the legislative assembly of the state unanimously, as that is the base of our policies. You not only delayed implementing it but purposefully but criticised it among the people and thus, You single handedly attempted to create a rift between the state and Bharat. M A Baig (Mirza Afzal Baig) has been incessantly walking on the orthodox separatist path and following communal policies, which has established a grievous effect on the identity of the state. It is unfortunate that You have been acknowledging his policies in the ministry and supporting his movements among the public. This has caused bitterness in the minds of people of various component units of the princely state. You have neglected all these with your eyes wide open and thus have encouraged the disbandment promoting strengths. As a result, the two significant components of our state, Unity and Secularist character have been in peril and are at risk. We have been continuously appealing to You to put these detrimental proclivities at rest. We had also appealed to You to put in combined efforts to re-build and reboost the aplomb of the people but in spite of all these magnanimity, we have  failed in our efforts. At last, with much regret, we would like to inform You of our decision that in present, the fabrication of the ministry, its object and its deeds differ. They are not on one wavelength. This cabinet has lost the trust of people and they have started believing that this government is unable to give them clean, healthy and efficient governance.“

This long letter was read thoroughly by both – Shaikh Abdullah and Sadar-e-Riyasat Karn Sinh. Its implication was loud and clear. Loss of people’s trust meant that Shaikh Abdullah had no right to remain the Prime Minister of Jammu & Kashmir.

Anyway, the status of Prime Minister had been bestowed upon him by Maharaja Hari Singh and Pandit Nehru inevitably mentioned that Shaikh Abdullah was the incontestable leader of the one and only political outfit of the state of Jammu-Kashmir but now, both the conditions had vanished. Neither was Shaikh the undisputed leader of the National Conference nor the National Conference was the sole political party of the state. Praja Parishad had risen exceptionally strongly and had acquired prominent recognition and acceptance.

Sadar-e-Riyasat called upon Shaikh Abdullah for a dialogue on the 8th of August. Shaikh did go to meet him but could hardly understand the turbulence going on in Karn Sinh Ji’s mind and in perplexity, accused Bharatiya media for igniting the differences within Shaikh Abdullah cabinet. Karn Sinh ji asked him to come again in the evening along with all the other ministers to find out an amicable solution. To which Shaikh Abdullah replied – “Till We are not able to find a solution acceptable to Pakistan, along with Bharat, no internal settlement is viable.”

He expressed inability to come again in the evening as he was leaving for Gulmarg for a vacation!!!

As Shaikh Abdullah along with wife Begum Abdullah proceeded to Gulmarg, Sadar-e-Riyasat began drafting a letter, which said – 

“Me, the Sadar-e-Riyasat Karn Sinh, in the best interest of the people of the state, who have given me the duty as well as the right as the governing head of the state, dismissing Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah as the Prime minister of Jammu-Kashmir and dispersing the cabinet of ministers appointed under him.”

Thus, on the 8th of August 1953, Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah was banished from his post.

Karn Sinh ‘s ADC reached Gulmarg with the letter and woke up Shaikh to deliver the letter. Before Shaikh could understand and gather, the orders for his arrest were also handed over and by dawn of the next day (9th August), the police brought him to the Udhampur prison and he was kept in a mini-jail named Tara House.

Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad took the oath as the new Prime minister of Jammu-Kashmir, in Srinagar.

It was not just the misfortune of the nation but a matter of immense pity that neither Pandit Nehru nor the National Conference could recognise the ill-willed Shaikh with foul intention of breaking the nation and when they did,the nation had already lost Dr. Shyamaprasad Mukharjee.

Post Shaikh Abdullah’s arrest when the constituent assembly ‘s meeting was called upon to sanction the constitution, only nine members including Shaikh were absent.

The meaning was loud and clear that except very few,  the others were not prepared to walk in Shaikh Abdullah’s executioner-like path.